Pushed Overboard and Left to Drown: Inside Southeast Asia’s Fishing Industry
- Kang-Chun Cheng 鄭康君
- 3 minutes ago
- 8 min read
A Dispatch from Our Editor-at-Large
Based in Nairobi, Kenya, Kang-Chun Cheng covers how environmental change impacts one's sense of belonging, foreign aid, and outdoor adventure. She has reported for us from some of the most inaccessible locations on Earth, including war-torn Ukraine and South Sudan (pictured).
Photojournalist Nicole Tung has covered some of the 21st century’s most defining conflicts — and their aftermath — across the Middle East. From the Libyan Civil War that overthrew Muammar Gaddafi (the political theorist and military officer who ruled the nation for 42 years until 2011), to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, Tung remained committed to covering international stories from the ground.
Raised in Hong Kong—one of the world’s major seafood hubs, particularly for species such as seahorses and live reef fish — she developed an early interest in protecting marine wildlife. Reading The Outlaw Ocean by investigative reporter Ian Urbina two years ago sparked her interest in modern slavery and its links to the seafood trade. That interest soon translated into a major opportunity. In 2025, Tung won the prestigious Prix Carmignac Photojournalism Award along with €50,000 for her project titled ‘Overfishing in Southeast Asia — an ecological and human drama.’
I interviewed Nicole Tung on March 11th, as she was settling into her new base in Edinburgh, Scotland. Reflecting on the stark contrast between reporting on overfishing and her earlier work in conflict zones, she recounts documenting the slavery endured by fishers on distant-water vessels and the environmental hazards tied to the seafood trade in the Philippines, South Korea, and Indonesia.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
KC: Have you done investigative stories on supply chains before?
NT: No. This was very different from what I normally do. I’ve spent most of the past four years in Ukraine, and before that — and even now — much of my work has been in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and across the Middle East.
KC: In conflict zones, people often want to show journalists what they are going through, as opposed to these situations, where traders prefer to stay discreet.
NT: [That’s partly] because the sea is so ungovernable and lawless. Even if every country has its own laws, and international conferences such as the United Nations Oceans Conference take place, it is mostly talk. Governments heavily subsidize the industry. That money could go to artisanal fishers, who might not otherwise survive, rather than the commercial industry. [What drives this] is the unchecked demand, especially in Asia, where wealthier countries are used to eating a lot of seafood.
KC: What was it like working on a project so different from your usual reporting?
NT: It requires years of making great contacts. Since the seafood trade is opaque […] getting access is different from conflict zones; it can take weeks or sometimes months. People are more guarded about speaking to us or about what they want to show us.
Every country has different rules, approaches, and regulations to tackle overfishing. There are laws […], but it’s all so convoluted.
Each country I went to had something different to pick apart; logistically, it was very complicated. Finding the right contacts to get onto a boat and be out at sea was also very challenging. In the end, I didn’t do that — I did get out onto the water [on a boat] in the Philippines, but not in the way I imagined.
KC: Having tried to gain access to mines, I’m extremely sympathetic to your situation. Generally, the understanding stops at the fact that the seafood industry is opaque and that laws differ on the high seas. Amid these challenges, how did you talk your way onto one of the ships?
NT: These are usually medium- or long-distance vessels. I was advised to go on supply ships instead, so I wouldn’t be stuck on the open ocean for weeks at a time. But when I tried it, the local producers I worked with were doubtful [because] when they reached out to the ship corporations, they were very iffy. They didn’t understand why we wanted to be on board.
You have to keep pushing for months.
In the Philippines, I ended up on commercial fishing vessels owned by Filipino fishermen. They were all concerned about the recent aggression of Chinese militias showing up [where they were working], because the Chinese boats had been further north and out at sea over the past decade in Palawan [an island province in the Philippines].
These fishermen had heard about problems with Chinese boats, but it had never been an issue until now. The Chinese Navy surrounded their fishing boats, forcing them to leave their fishing grounds … and move closer to shore, where the catch isn’t as good. The fish [that the Chinese catch] is going to Hong Kong for seafood or the aquarium trade.
Filipino fishermen told me they are chased and harassed, and are filmed with cameras and cell phones. That’s why they were keen to get me on board to film from their side. That day, we were 50 nautical miles out (about 100 kilometers) off the coast of Palawan, when it just so happened that the Chinese were on a resupply mission [and] were away from that area.
Fishermen from all three ships I boarded told me they had been chased recently. It’s getting worse because China’s geopolitical strategy right now is to take control of rocks and [maritime] features in the middle of the sea.
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KC: Can you explain China’s broader geopolitical goals? What position have Southeast Asian countries taken?
NT: For China, it’s really about having control over the waterways in such an important area. China has the self-declared nine-dash line: a broad area of the South China Sea, stretching from north of Malaysia to Vietnam and the Philippines’ eastern economic zone. China claims economic control over the [nine-dash line], a unilateral declaration that [no country] recognizes. It’s all about trade routes, military strategy, and fishing waters.
Vietnam has tried to build up its own fishing fleets, which are becoming more militarized. The Philippines can’t really compete due to [lack of] resources. Taiwan and Malaysia have claimed some atolls or rock features in the sea. Everyone is racing to counter China’s force here.
With the world’s largest fishing fleet, the Chinese recruit a lot of Indonesians to work on their fishing vessels. That’s where I found many of the worst abuses happen.
KC: What led you to conclude that the worst abuses occur on Chinese vessels?
NT: I spoke to several Indonesian fishermen … working on these ships. It’s not always the physical abuse; they get [trapped] in a cycle of debt bondage. Chinese manning agencies in central Java recruit many poor Indonesian men.
Many are tricked. They are told they will work in construction or the service industry, or on a fishing vessel, where they will make good money.
[Chinese] manning agencies loan them money up front. A worker says that out of 4 million Indonesian rupiah ($237) he borrowed, he used 1 million to pay for the fishing gear he needed to work on the vessel. He would work the next four months to pay off the remaining three million rupiah. If he didn’t make enough, he would have to borrow more [for his expenses]. This process keeps many of them in the negative, barely leaving enough to buy cigarettes.
South Korean fishing vessels tend to be slightly better. Other [South East Asian] countries have smaller fleets and are not big on recruitment.
KC: Unfortunately, this sounds like a typical tale of labor getting hoodwinked.
NT: There is also an [alleged] disparity between the Chinese and Indonesian crew. The captain is the only one with radio [access], and the rest of the crew cannot communicate with their families. Fights break out because their pay depends on the catch, so people fight over the fish. The captain tends to side with the Chinese workers.
Fishermen said that in two or three incidents, Indonesian workers were pushed overboard during fights, and the captain simply sailed away, leaving them to drown.
KC: As someone who grew up in Hong Kong, did that give you a personal connection to the story?
NT: Growing up, I was aware of the shark fin trade […] but not how dark it really was. Hong Kong is a major seafood hub for China. It made me question: even if I knew about these issues, would I have chosen differently if not for this project?
You can be a conscious consumer, but I don’t think you can really understand what’s happening until you see it.
KC: This could be existential, but do you think showing the human cost of the seafood industry would raise public awareness of where our food comes from?
NT: I hope so. Not only must we know who is catching our seafood, but also its environmental cost. Much of it has hidden costs. [For example], bottom trawling is poorly regulated and damages the seafloor and coral reefs where fish habitats [live]. There’s also a lot of trash fish … that is turned into fishmeal and pet food and are sold in the EU and the US. [Often], the labor used to catch trash fish falls below standards.
It’s hard, but consumers need to be aware and demand transparency in the supply chain.
KC: Did you have a favorite country to report from?
NT: Thailand was interesting because it’s at a point where everything could go back to how it was in 2014. Thai corporations are pressuring the government to relax fishing regulations.
The EU gives countries “red” or “yellow” cards based on standards and labor (red meaning no imports, yellow meaning some). Thailand got a yellow card in 2014 […] which led it to change its laws to keep shipping seafood to Europe. Last year, the Thai parliament discussed rolling back these regulations, with corporations saying, “We’ve followed these rules for 10 years […] it’s just not working in our favor.”
KC: They want more volume, basically?
NT: Yes.
KC: What evidence shows the environmental and wildlife impacts of overfishing?
NT: Waste generated from fishmeal processing factories affects surrounding villages. I visited a wildlife rehabilitation centre in Thailand, where many sea turtles are treated. Some are permanently injured or missing flippers after being [caught in] ghost nets.
